Notes
St. Thomas’ text had “convivificavit” inserted in verse 1 after “vos”so that it read, similar to verse 5, “And he has restored you to life when you were dead...” This reading corresponds to a few Vulgate codices and was adopted in the edition of Pope Sixtus V, although it is now recognized as an interploation.
Return 1St. Thomas notes in his Commentary on St. John’s Gospel. Ch. 1, Lect. 5, that “world” has at least three different meanings in Scripture. Positively, it may refer to the world as created and ruled by God; or, as it is loved by God and brought to perfection through Christ’s redemption. Negatively, it refers to the world as perverted by sin and hostile to God, which is the meaning St. Paul gives it here. For the way in which these three are interrelated, and how the positive triumphs over the negative, cf. “Christian Humanism and St. John’s Theology of Life,” Review for Religious, March, 1964.
Return 1Following a common Biblical approach, Aquinas equates idol worship with slavery to the devil, cf. Ps 95:5; 105:33; Deut. 32:17; Bar. 4:3; 1 Cor. 10:20.
Return 1The “lower bodies” are identical with the “corruptible and mutable causes” mentioned in note 35 above. Aquinas never went into a detailed speculation about which ranks of angels governed which parts of the universe. In a general way, it could be said that the Middle Hierarchy would govern the celestial bodies—the nine celestial spheres (cf. Appendix)—and the Lower Hierarchy the terrestrial sphere made up of the four elements of fire, water, earth and air; cf. S.T. I, 63, 7c. Yet St. Thomas only mentions this as an opinion of others and does not seem attracted to it; he reminds us that the lowest possible angel transcends the whole of material creation by reason of its pure spirituality, ibid., 110, 1 ad 3.
Return 1St. John Damascene (c. 677-750), a priest and Doctor of the Church. The work referred to here is his celebrated De Fide Orthodoxa, 11, 4 (P.G. 94, 873-76).
Return 1This is the opinion of St. Gregory the Great in his Homilia 34 in Evangelia, P.L. 76, 1250. For a further discussion of this cf. S.T. I, 63, 7.
Return 1St. Thomas is borrowing this observation from Peter Lombard’s Collectanea, P.L. 192, Col 179. The Greek has the genitive tou pneumatos, “of the spirit.”
Return 1In these few sentences St. Thomas hints at his thought on concupiscence and original sin. It is not that these desires are sinful, for if the delight resulting from obtaining what we desire is not evil (S.T. I, 1-4), neither is the desire evil (ibid., 30, 2c). If man had not sinned his enjoyment of sensible goods would be even more intense than now; to be ruled by reason is not to become “angelized,” cf. I, 98, 2 ad 3. Yet, due to the lack of original justice (I-II, 82, 3), these desires can become causes of sin (I-II, 77). This is taking “concupiscentia” in the strictly theological sense, cf. K. Ralmer, “The Theological Concept of Concupiscentia,” Theological Investigations (Baltimore: Helicon, 1960), pp. 360-69. By “natural concupiscences” St. Thomas means that men share them with all animals, whereas the “concupiscence of knowledge,” or of reason, is proper to man only, cf. S.T. I-II, 30, 3c.
Return 1This same quotation is ascribed to St. Gregory in Lecture 5 of Ch. 3. 1 have not been able to locate it in his writings. It occurs word for word in the Exultet of the Easter Vigil Liturgy—“O inaestimabilis dilectio caritatis: ut servum. redimeres, filium tradidisti.” Liturgists seem to agree that the Exultet, or “Benedictio Cerei Gallicana,” owes its main inspiration to the fourth or fifth century; and it has been attributed both to St. Ambrose and Augustine. The earliest records we have of it are in the Gelasian Sacramentaries of the eighth century, cf. Schmidt, S.J., Hebdomada Sancta, Vol. 2 (Rome: Herder, 1957) pp. 639-45. Possibly St. Thomas was under the impression that St. Gregory had composed the Exultet. St. Thomas’ attribution of the quotation to St. Gregory more than likely springs from the common medieval custom of accepting Gregory as the author of the texts in the missal.
Return 1Cf. note 11 above. For St. Thomas “salus” is a divine action directed at the whole of man’s being. V. White, O.P., has pointed out how “holiness (sanctitas), health (sanitas), completeness (perfectio), and wholeness (integritas) are, in principle, virtually synonymous” for Aquinas; cf. his Soul and Psyche (London: Collins & Harvill, 1960), pp. 184-86. Notice how St. Thomas regularly speaks of “human salvation” or the “salvation of man” rather than the “salvation of souls.”
Return 1The act of faith is essentially an assent to God revealing himself to man (S.T. II-II, 1, 1c). The individual articles of faith are only the material determinations of this essential acceptance of Divinity revealing himself. St. Thomas brings out this interpersonal character of faith: “Everyone who believes assents to someone’s words; and thus, in any form of belief, it seems that it is the person to whose words the assent is given, who is of principal importance and, as it were, the end; while the individual truths through which one assents to that person are secondary” (ibid., 11, 1c). Cf. J. Mouroux, I Believe, The Personal Structure of Faith (New York: Sheed & Ward, 1959).
Return 1Cf. note 7 above. The “habitus” are creative powers by which men can perform different types of actions. For instance, the ability to solve complex mathematical problems is only acquired through training and practice; we cannot perform the requisite mental acts until we are conditioned by a learning process. The creative power which results from this conditioning is obviously distinct from the individual acts of solving mathematical problems, yet it is nonetheless real since if it did not exist we should have to go through the whole learning process before each act. Unlike such acquired powers, the supernatural virtues are infused by God, cf. S.T. I-II, 51, 4; 63, 4.
Return 1St. Thomas is using “sacramenta” here in the Patristic sense which does not limit it to the seven sacraments. All sanctifying mysteries are “Sacraments.” Christ, as the incarnation of God, is thus the sacrament of the Divine redemptive presence in the world of man; the Church—or as St. Thomas refers to it in discussing the second sacrament of which the pagans were deprived, the “society of the saints”—is the continuation of this sacramental presence. Aquinas probably owed this terminology to Hugh of St. Victor’s De Sacramentis, P.L. 176, 181 ff. Like Hugh, he discussed the “sacraments of nature” (In IV Sent., d. 1, q. 2, a. 6, sol. 3) which were even capable of symbolizing Christ (S.T. I-II, 103, 1; cf. note 154 below). The Old Law also had its sacraments (S.C.G. IV, 57; S.T. I-II, 101, 4; 102, 5; 103; 111, 61, 3 ad 2). On “sacramentum” as aholy secret or sanctifying mystery, cf. S.T. III, 60, 1 ad 2; and A. M. Roguet, O.P., les Sacrements (Paris: Desclée et Cie, 1945) pp. 257-M. A broader usage of the term “sacrament” is being restored to contemporary theology, cf. E. Schillebeeckx, O.P., Christ: The Sacrament of the Encounter with God (New York: Sheed & Ward, 1963).
Return 1The Douay-Rheims translation of the singular “testament” corresponds to neither the Vulgate nor the original Greek.
Return 1“Land of distortion” translates “regio dissimilitudinIs” This expression originated in Plato (cf. Politicus, 273 d), designating the region of becoming between pure being and absolute non-being. St. Augustine used it in his Confessions VII, 10 and it enjoyed wide vogue in the Middle Ages where it was associated with the “terra longinqua” of the prodigal son in Lk 15:13. In similar fashion St. Thomas here links it with the “de longe venerunt” of Mk. 8:3. The Christian concept of sin distorting man’s likeness to God is what it mainly implies. Cf. E. Gilson, The Mystical Theology of St. Bernard (New York: Sheed & Ward, 1940) pp. 33-59; and note 43 on pp. 224-25. Also P. Courcelle, “Tradition neo-platonicienne et traditions chritiennes de la région de dissemblance,” Archives d’histoire doctrinale et littiraire du moyen âge, Vol. XXII (1957) pp. 5-53; and Témoins nouveau de ‘la région de dissemblance’,” Bibliotèque de l’école des Chartes, Vol. CXVIII (1960) pp. 20-36.
Return 1The Douay-Rheims translates “paries” as “wall,” but St. Thomas distinguishes between “paries” and “murus.” The former is a temporary partition—I have translated it as “barrier”—whereas the latter is permanent and used often in reference to city walls.
Return 1St. Augustine’s De Gratia Christi et Peccato Originali, 2, 24–25 (P.L. 44, Col 398-400); also Contra Adamantum Manich. Discip. 17, (P.L. 42, Col 157-62). In St. Thomas’ view of salvation-history the Old Law had an embryonic relationship to the New: “As the effect is in its cause, or the perfect is in its less perfect beginnings-just as the whole tree is contained in the seed-so is the New Law contained in the Old Law.” S.T. I-II, 107, 3. This is a corollary of the general pattern of God’s salvific revelation to man, it is gradual in order for man to better assimilate. it (ibid., 99, 6). Thus the New Covenant fulfills the Old by realizing its deepest potentialities (ibid., 107, 2); they both have the same goal while they differ as less perfect and more perfect in their methods of attaining that goal (ibid., 107, 1). This is why Aquinas characterized the Old Law as one of Fear and the New as one of Love. For a genuine supernatural love could only be offered to God by God himself become man and communicating his love, the Holy Spirit, to other men (S.T. II-II, 24, 2c; III, 8, 6c). Hence Christ is the head of all mankind (ibid., III, 8, 3) and those who observed God’s commands out of supernatural love in the Old Testament really belonged to the New, while those in the New Covenant who still practice virtue out of fear of punishment are acting as though they were under the Old Law (ibid., I-II, 107, 1 ad 2). For a comparison of the Old and New Covenants in an eschatological perspective, cf. ibid., 103, 3.
Return 1The ceremonial precepts, in Aquinas’ view, served two purposes. One was to provide Israel with a suitable religious cult of Yahweh, the other was to symbolize the mystery of Christ. Thomas (in S.T. I-II, 102, 2) refers to St. Jerome’s comment on Old Testament prophecy to show how this symbolic character must be present in the actual rites themselves and not fanciful speculations arbitrarily tacked on to them later. Jerome’s observation was: “During the course of the Old Testament period the prophets promised much about the coming of Christ and the salvation of the Gentiles; yet they did this precisely by not neglecting the age in which they lived. As though they would not instruct the assembled people about the matters then confronting them, but would rather seem to wildly speculate about uncertain and future happenings.” (Comm. super Osee, 1, P.L. 25, 824). In the remaining articles of question 102 St. Thomas applies the principles discussed here, and in note 56 above, with too much attention to minor details—closer to Latin patristic methods than those of modem scholars. Nevertheless, the latter base their theories on principles similar to those St. Thomas adopted, cf. C. Charlier, The Christian Approach to the Bible, (Maryland: Newman, 1959) pp. 15984,255-73.
Return 1The text is somewhat ambiguous here: inter Judaeos et Gentiles: quia isti volebant legem servare, illi vero minime...” According to literal usage, “isti” and “illi” would make the passage read: “between the Jews and Gentiles, the latter wanting to observe the law and the former least (wanting it).” If Thomas was asserting that the Gentiles were eager to observe the law, then either the Jews were not at all eager to observe it themselves or they were not eager to let the Gentiles do so. Old Testament history, however, offers so few instances of these phenomena—not to mention St. Paul’s struggles with the judaizing Christians in the New—that I have taken “isti” to refer to the Jews and “illi” to the Gentiles.
Return 1The Douay-Rheims, closer to the meaning of the Greek, translates the “decretis” of the Vulgate as “in the decrees,” referring to the Old Testament. St. Thomas saw it instead as an ablative of means, “by the decrees,” referring to the commands of the New Law abrogating the Old. The following text from Leviticus is used to designate the three divinely originating laws operative in human history and society, cf. S.T. I-II, 91; 93; 98; 106. The temporal adjectives of the scriptural text have the following correlatives:
oldest — natural law
old — Old Law, especially ceremonial precepts
new — New Law of the Gospel.
The basic principles of the natural law were changed by neither the Old nor the New Laws (ibid., I-II, 94, 5). Since the moral precepts, e.g., the ten commandments, are closely related to the natural law they too are still in force (ibid., 100, 1). The New Law of the Gospel is primarily a spiritual law, existing by the grace of the Holy Spirit in the hearts of the faithful; the written expression of this law is only a secondary characteristic (ibid., 106, 1-2).
Return 1The Gloss is the Lombard’s Collectanea, P.L. 192, Col 184. St. Thomas took his interpretation of “decretis” as an ablative of means from this source.
Return 1Cf. Augustine’s commentary on Ps 124, n. 10 (P.L. 37, Col 1655--56). In discussing the peace which results from true Christian love, St. Thomas is careful to point out that it consists in a harmony of wills in matters pertaining to salvation, and not necessarily in a harmony of intellectual opinions, cf. S.T. II-II, 29, 1; 3 ad 2; 37, 1; 38, 1. St. Augustine’s sharp difference of opinion with St. Jerome indicates that he understood the distinction clearly, cf. St. Augustine’s Letters (translated by W. Parsons, S.N.D., F.C., 1951) Vol. 1, pp. 93 ff., 172 ff., 390 ff. A short history of the dispute is given in The Letters of St. Jerome (translated by C. Mierow, A.C.W. 1963) Vol. 1, pp. 13-16; and one of Jerome’s sharper responses is in The Satirical Letters of St. Jerome (translated by P. Carroll, Chicago: Gateway, 1956), pp. 123-26.
Return 1I have translated “collegium fidelium” as “the community of the faithful”: although the collegiality of the faithful certainly carries different connotations than the community of the faithful. Throughout these paragraphs community translates collegium. The political community and the domestic community are two distinct domains in human intersubjective experience. Each has its own type of authority, cf. In Libros Politicorum Aristotelis Expositio (Turin: Marietti, 1951) p. 27, n. 90; and each requires its own specialization of the virtue of prudence, cf. S.T. II-II, 50, 2 ad 3.
Return 1In both the Piana-Cai and the Parma editions this is given as a direct quotation. It seems to come from The City of God, XIV, 28 (P.L. 41, 436). But there it reads: “Two cities have been formed by two loves: the earthly by the love of self, even to the contempt of God; the heavenly by the love of God, even to the contempt of self.” (translated by M. Dodds, New York: Modern Library, 1950), p. 477. It is most likely that St. Thomas picked up his “Jerusalem-Babylon” designations from a sentence in Peter Lombard’s commentary on this same verse in Ephesians (P.L. 192, Col 186): “Two loves have made the whole world into two cities, the love of God has formed Jerusalem, and earthly love Babylon.”
Return 1The Parma edition notes that a quotation from Proverbs 31:21 has been inserted at this point: “For all her domestics are clothed with double garments.” The Piana-Cai includes it in the text without comment. If St. Thomas actually mentioned the quote in his lecture it may have been within a context which pointed out how love of Cod to contempt of self paradoxically leads to the highest realization of self; the city of God’s love takes good care of its domestics. This is the analysis St. Bernard made of the growth in man’s love for God. He begins by loving God for man’s sake and, in the fourth and highest stage, ends by loving himself for God’s sake, cf. Saint Bernard on the Love of God, a translation of De Diligendo Deo (P.L. 182, 973 ff.), by T. Connolly, S.J. (Maryland: Newman, 1951) pp. 43-46. Man discovers his true identity in God, cf. Gilson, op. cit., pp. 128 ff. and notes 102 and 151 below.
Return 1Primary and secondary should be understood here in the light of primary and secondary causality. The secondary causes are totally dependent on God, the primary and universal cause, Cf. S.T. I, 19, 6; 21, 4; 65, 3; 105, 6. But this in no way dispenses from the necessity and real causal influence of the secondary causes, ibid., 22, 3; 103, 6; 116, 2. St. Thomas hints, in this way, at the intimate relationship between Christ and the scriptures.
Return 1Aquinas interprets Mt 16:18 as primarily referring to Peter’s confession of Christ’s divinity: “‘Upon this rock,’ namely, your confession, ‘I will build my Church.’” (S.T. II-II, 174, 6c). And this is the meaning he gives the text here. For the New Testament affirmation of the Petrine teaching office he more realistically turns to Lk 22:32, “But I have prayed for thee, that thy faith fail not; and thou, being once converted, confirm thy brethren.” (ibid., II-II, 1, 10c). Yet St. Thomas was aware of other possibilities, cf. his Commentary on St. Matthew’s Gospel, Ch. 16, Lect. 2.
Return 1In contemporary terms, these four stages would be: laying the foundation, erecting the supporting superstructure, filling in the rest of the building’s shell, and finally doing the interior.
Return 1Allegorical and moral meanings are two of the spiritual senses of Scripture. Here is an instance in which St. Thomas uses allegory, not simply of Old Testament events signifying those of the New, but in the broader meaning of mysteries pertaining to faith, cf. de Lubac, Exégèse meédiévale, 1-1, pp. 489 ff.
Return 1Men are only the instruments of God both in their own sanctification, and—as with the ecclesiastical ministers or prelates—in the sanctification of other men. Sanctity is not man-made independently of God.
Return 1St. Thomas sees the “in quo” of the Vulgate as referring to the Holy Temple, while the Douay-Rheims, and most modern translators, view it in reference to our Lord, translating it “in whom” instead of “in which.”
Return 1